Geographical distribution:
Muslims in India are geographically concentrated and dispersed – The biggest Muslim concentration in India is in U.P. There are at least two States or Union Territories, which have Muslim majority. Jammu and Kashmir.
Social status:
The social hierarchy of Muslims resembles that of caste-Hindus. Theoretically Islam is against any kind of caste system in its interactive patterns. However, caste-system among the Muslims state continues. It is more social than religious. Muslims are socially stratified into water tight compartments. The characteristics of social system are:
- Membership by Birth: The Muslims in India are divided into two broad categories and their sub-section. In every group or category the membership is by birth. A Muslim born in a particular category remains so for life.
- Endogamy and rarely Hypergamy: The Muslim castes in India are endogamous. They are divided and subdivided into several categories as shown in the
Sub-castes– (1) Musalman Rajputs -> Tornar ; Chandel ; Bhatti ; Gautam ; Chauhan ; Panwarh ; Rathuri ; Somavamshi ; (2) Professional castes -> Atishabazz ; Bavarchi ; Bhatiyara ; Bhand ; Gadde ; Faquir ; Monun ; Julaha ; (3) Arazals -> Bhangi ;Chemars ; Ghazipuri ; Rawat; Lai Beqi ; Pallahm; Mehr ; Hazan. - Hierarchy: There is ranking of different groups of Muslims on the basis of social conditions. The Arshrafs are considered as nobles. Among them the Sayyeds who trace their descent from Mohammed’s daughter are given the highest rank. The Sheiks who trace their origin to Arabs regard themselves as first followers of prophet Mohammed and are considered next in order. The Mughals and Pathans who are the descendants of Mughal and Afghan rulers respectively are considered as the lowest groups among the Muslim social ladder. The middle range of Muslim social hierarchy are made up of upper caste converts such as Rajputs and those following clean occupations. They comprise a portion of the Ashraf. Among these Muslims the Rajputs like Darji, barkers smiths and traders. However, the Ashrafs do not consider these Muslims as equals. Among the Moplah Muslims in Kerala the Thangals claim the descent from prophet Mohammed’s daughter. The Arabs and the Pulasars who are the converts from among the local fishermen. Lastly, Osams or Barbers are at the bottom. At the bottom rung of Muslim social ladder are the converts from the untouchable class. They perceive unclean occupations such as scavenging (Bhangi), barbers (Hazam) and cobblers (Mochi). They form as distinct Jatis for all purposes. They are socially kept at a distance by Ashrafs and the Muslims practising clean occupations. Of course there is no question of marital ties of the Muslims with clam occupations with Muslims practising -unclean occupations.
- Specific profession: The superiors in social ranking follow noble occupations. The landed gentry, the feudals and the erstwhile princess hail from Ashrafs. The Muslims among the Rajputs follow clean occupations. Similarly the converts from among the professional castes also have clean Kallims (professional). On the other hand, the Arzals who are converts from untouchable castes still follow unclean occupations. Thus there is correlation between professional and social stratification among the Muslims.
- Jajmani systems: Among the Muslims especially those existing in rural areas have adopted the Jajmani system which is similar to Jajmani system of Hindus. This interdependence of different Muslim groups exists in terms of socio-economic symbiosis.
- Untouchability: Even though the Muslim saints considered all human beings to be equal, they could not prevent the percolation of customs of untouchability into the Muslim realm. For example, the Muslim Bhangi or Chamar may enter a mosque for namaz and not for any other purpose. This proves that untouchability among the Indian Muslims is not religious but social. This is less rigorous among Muslims than that found among Hindus.
- Muslim Panchayats: Like the caste panchayat among Hindus one may find caste panchayat among the Muslims as well. Among the higher castes of Hindus the caste panchayats do not yield much authority. Similarly among the Muslims the panchayat do not have wide rights. Infact among high caste Hindus and high caste Muslims social control is mostly exercised through the joint families but among the professional and untouchable castes among Muslims one finds organized caste panchayats. Among Muslims castes like Dhobi, Bhangi, Teli etc. there are caste panchayats, which apply their rules to their members very strictly. Those who do not follow caste rules are boycotted from society and so long as they do not make up for the social laws and represent for it, they are kept out of caste.
Economic status:
- As a religious minority the Muslims in India are not an economically prosperous group. After independence the Muslims had to forego many of their earlier gains such as unproclaimed reservation in services. Even now:
- A small section of Muslim aristocrats, and the Muslim nobles sharply reacted against the removal of Zamindari system.
- The overwhelming majority of the Muslims are at the lowest step of the economic ladder. Muslim middle class is very slowly emerging.
- Some of the educated Muslims are joining the main stream of India by securing covetable jobs in administration, judiciary and gubernatorial positions.
- A majority of highly educated Muslims are migrating to western countries and a small number to Pakistan. Agriculture is still the primary means of livelihood to Muslims living in rural areas.
- The next most important occupation after agriculture of Muslims in rural India is wearing and handlooms and among the weavers employed in handloom industry the Muslims constitute a major segment. But the government policy of supplying cheap cloth known as controlled cloth for general good had badly hit the handloom industry besides the introduction of synthetic yam also adversely affected the handloom industry’. In other words the Muslim segment which made its livelihood from handloom industry was uprooted because of the government’s inducted policy of cheap cloth for mass consumption.
POLITICAL STATUS: –
The Muslims entered India as conquerors. They settled down, got attuned to native ways and ruled India for seven centuries. In course of time the British rule and emergence of Indian nation rendered Muslims a powerless group. Although the Muslims are the minority in India their numerical strength to the extent
of 14.23%(2011) of the total population of country bestowed on Muslims an instantaneous political clout giving importance to number and communal interest groups in democratic politics. The position of Indian subcontinent on the basis of ill-conceived two nation theory not only led to the biggest known uprooting of humanity in history, but created a psychological distance between Hindus and Muslims. The formation of two Muslim nations in succession in 1947 (Pakistan) and in 1971(Bangladesh) as immediate neighbours of India rendered Indian Muslims as object of suspicion in the eyes of non-Muslims, Indians in general and Muslims in particular, because tire Muslims have not proved their constant loyalty to India. In this process the Indian Muslims face a double estrangement, that is, most of their erstwhile coreligionists became alien citizens and their fellow Hindu citizens have became strangers. For a variety of reasons Urdu came to be associated with the north Indian Muslims bestowing upon them a status of speech community rein-forcing a specific Muslim cultural identity. In this process millions of Hindus disowned Urdu as their mother-tongue and Muslims came to perceive Hindus as destroyers of Muslim culture. Muslim masses particularly in North India has a distinct style of life. In terms of dress, trimming of beard by men and observers of purdah by women dietary practices, architecture of dwelling units, the distinct style of dwelling quarters, stipulated and highly motivated worship, all of which rendered them physically and socially visible. Muslims are very much socially enclosed in that they tend to live in exclusive neighbourhood clusters. This may be partly due to cultural factors and partly due to insecurity faced by them. Through the recurrent communal riots exclusive Muslim residential areas logically imply exclusive Hindu neighbourhoods. This in turn inhibit free interaction between the two groups leading to reinforcement of prejudices and preferences. Finally, the dichotomy between church and state does not exist in the Muslim concept. The source of Muslim law is the sacred text and the official legal interpreters the Ulemas. This interlinkage of tire secular and the religious matters in the Muslim thought and action puts a high premium on religious sanctions and is a constant source of tension in a secular state such as India, which is populous and predominantly inhabited by Hindus. The Muslims world view inevitably leads to the mixing of religion and politics which has given birth to several Muslims communal political parities such as “all India Muslim league” and “Jamal-e-Islam” championing the Muslims interest in secular matters.
Religious Status:
The Indian Muslims are broadly divided into Sunnis and Shia categories.‘ The Shia forms into a smaller community than the Sunnis. However, the Indian Shias are large enough to be the largest Shia group outside Iran. Of the four schools of Muslim law. the majority of them follow “HanifilawIn the South especially among the Moplahs (Mapillas-stili practice polyandry) the “Shah School’ 7 of law is followed – The Sunnis of quzral follow the third school namely “Malki School”. In India the fourth school namely “Hanbali School” is not followed. The Shias have their own “Imami law”. They are further subdivided into the followers of 12 Imams and followers of 7 Imams and” in addition there are 14 religious orders of which the Subrewardi order, the Shattar order, the Qadiri order, the Nagshandi are important. Indian Islam is not a monolithic entity as Perceival Sphere points out. India Islam is a necklace of racial culture and political pearls, strung on the thread of the religion.
Linguistic Status:
Muslim language is closely identified with religious activities. According to 1971 Census the total Urdu speakers in India numbered 28,608,000 which constitute 46.06% of the total Muslim population in India. This clearly shows that majority of Indian Muslims do not speak Urdu. It is equally important to note that the majority of Urdu speakers are from States where the proposition of Muslims is very low, Bihar and Uttar Pradesh are the two States in which the percentage of both Muslims and Urdu speakers axe high.
Uttar Pradesh and Bihar together account for nearly l/3rd population and I/2nd of the Urdu speaking population of the country. It is important to note that in Bihar and Uttar Pradesh the regional language is Hindi. The linguistic proximity between Urdu and Hindi is substantial. Although the spread of Urdu is substantial it has no homeland in India. In J&K where it is an official language the mother tongue of majority of the people is Kashmiri, Dogri or some other cognatic language. The case of Punjabi presents a different scenario. To begin with the Punjab, the home land of Punjabi got divided between India and Pakistan in 1947. Later it was bifurcated into Haryana and Punjabi sub within India. When the demand for a separate Sikh state was found to be unacceptable, the demand for a separate Punjabi state was put forward. It was in this context that Punjabi written in Gurmukhi, the language of the Sikhs as against Punjabi Devanagari script the language of Hindus assumed political significance. Thus when a live language comes to be closely associated with religion. The possibility of its assuming crucial importance in promoting socio-cultural identity should be recognised conversely. Such identification between language and religion would tend to alien the people of other faith from that language.
Uniform Civil Code:
The judgement of Supreme Court in the Shah Bano case evoked a nationwide controversy and split the Muslims into two groups of progressivists and fundamentalists. The judgement led to the enactment of Muslim women (protection of right of divorce) Act 1986. From the judgement emerged the discussion for the need of a common civil code, as also envisaged in the Article 44 of the Constitution. In the Supreme Court Judgement, in Shah Bano case, the then Chief Justice of India, Y.R.Chandrachud strongly favour the uniform civil code. He said that the cause of national integration will be served effectively if different communities are governed by a common system of laws. There is a general feeling among those who favour uniform civil code that “telling of oneness marred by the application of different laws to different communities. The diversities in the matter of marriage, divorce, custody of children, adoption and inheritance in the personal laws governing the Hindus, Muslims, Christians, Parsis and Jews are so great and some of the rules so unfair, inequitable and humiliating that there is considerable scope and every necessity to bring uniformity and also to give a feeling to every member that he or she enjoys equality of social status irrespective of race, religion, caste or sex”. There is no dearth of eminent scholars among Sunnis or Shias who hold that- Muslim personal law is not sacrosant and that its drawback should be removed. “On religion, morality and law” organised at New Delhi on Dec 1973 M.Hadiayattullah strongly advocated the need for comprehensive legislation in areas of divorce, polygamy succession and adoption. However, support to uniform civil code even among Muslim intelligentsia is weak. The reasons forwarded to such opposition for Uniform Civil Code are “Islamic laws of marriage divorce and succession are recorded by majority of Muslims as part and parcel of their religion. They believe that what is known as Muslim personal law” is no different from Quran and Sunna.
The idea of uniform civil code is too abstract. Generally Muslims believe that the code will be the replica of Hindu jurisprudence and lastly Muslims personnel law is regarded by majority of Muslims as symbols of identity just like Urdu and “Aligarh Muslim University”. It is argued that such reservation on behalf of Muslims to the uniform civil code is due to minority complex and tightened sense of danger to their religio-cultural identity yet there are others who say that as in case of Shah Bano case judgement, so in case of Uniform Civil Code, opposition is not motivated by religious concern. According to A. A. Engineer it is infact motivated by curious mixture of male chauvinism and political interest.