Ethnic groups refer primarily to categories of ascription and identification by actors or individuals themselves. We said ethnic identify constitutes the basic form of identity by which an individual defines himself or herself and others. while moving to examine ethnic relations in the Indian context, we have to be clear about two more things. Firstly, what are the reasons behind so much interest being shown in the study of ethnic relations and secondly what are the basic approaches in sociology towards the study of ethnic relations.
Factors Associated with the Widespread Interest
The important factors have been:
i) Migration: The movement of individuals from one place to another, within a nation or between nations has led to multiplicity of groups existing within an area.
ii) Culture contact: when people migrate, they take their culture along with them. They come into contact with another type of culture existing in the area to which they have migrated. This leads to the existence of different kinds of culture groups within an area. The nature of interaction between the groups varies from place to place and from time to time depending on several factors.
iii) Development of technology: Technology especially improvement in transport and communication has made the world a smaller place to live in. It has facilitated both movement of people as well as ideas things from one place to another.
iv) Emergence of thickly populated cities: The growth of cities along with the opportunities provided for varied kinds of employment has attracted many people from different socio-cultural and geographical backgrounds to converge in a city. Cities host a plurality of ethnic groups within it.
v) Conflict: The increased frequency if ethnic conflicts, specially between different racial groups and religious groups has drawn world wide attention.
Basic Approaches:
we can say that explanations regarding ethnic relations can be broadly classified under two categories, namely the “Consensus Approach and the “Conflict Approach”. Let us look at them separately
a) Consensus Approach
This approach views the phenomenon of ethnic inter-relationships from Structural Functional perspective. Structural Functionalists believe that society, like the human body, is a balanced system of institutions. Each unit or institution in society serves a function in maintaining that society. Events outside or inside the society may disrupt the social order of that society, but social institutions make necessary adjustments to restore stability. The Consensus Approach is based on the above-mentioned belief of Structural Functionalism. We will refer to two theories which are based on the Consensus approach here. One theory is based on the study of ethnic relations in American society. It is called the ‘cultural Assimilation’ theory or the ‘Melting Pot’ theory. The other theory is based on the study of precolonial societies. This theory as further developed by sociologists like Barth in the 1960’s understands ethnic inter-relationships in a wider context.
i) Cultural Assimilation Theory or Melting Pot Theory The theory of ‘Cultural Assimilation’ or the ‘Melting Pot Theory’ reflects the Consensus approach. The theory is based on the study of American Society. This theory assumes that the immigrant minority communities will get totally assimilated into the host society to the extent that the imbibe all the values, norms and attitudes of the host society. In other words, the ethnic identity of the minority group will be merged into that of the host community. In the context of the American society, this means that the identities of the immigrant communities would get merged into the American identity and they would begin thinking from the standpoint of the Americans in general. This theory did not meet with wide acceptance of the reveal that the immigrant communities such as the Italians, Chinese and others maintain their distinct identity.
ii) Theory Based on the Study of Pre-Colonial Societies
Another theory was put forward by sociologists is based on the study of precolonial societies. The basic tent of this theory is that, though ethnic groups coexisted within a nation, they each maintains separate identities through minimal social contact. This is exemplified by the presence of ethnic division of labour, which means, the preferential treatment meted out to the members of one’s own ethnic group during recruitment to jobs. This indicates an absence of shared values and common will between members of diverse ethnic groups. This theory was later developed further by sociologists like Barth (1969). According to him ethnic groups are not “maintained due to an absence of mobility and contact” but it entails the “social process of exclusion and incorporation”. Stable social relations are maintained across ethnic boundaries like those of occupational and neighbourhood relations. In fact, Barth says that, social interaction between ethnic groups becomes the foundation for ethnic distinctions. The very persistence of ethnic groups in contact implies not only criterion for identification but also the structuring of interactions which allows the persistence of cultural differences. For instance, in any social milieu we can observe the coexistence of national institutes which cut across ethnic boundaries and at the same time we have voluntary associations and institutions that are formed to facilities the pursuit of cultural and educational activities of a particular community.
b) Conflict Approach
In contrast to the above-mentioned Consensus Approach we have the Conflict Approach to the study of ‘Ethnic relations’. Conflict Approach views ethnic groups as interest groups, which are in relations of inequality, competing for common goals which may led to a total change in the social system. The
protagonists of this theory argue that since conflict is ingrained in society, any approach that overlooks this aspect is incomplete. The theorists view ethnic conflict as a means of protect for either improvement of the existing social system or a demand for total change in the system. In recent years there have been a spurt in ethnic conflicts all over the world, for example, the racial discrimination of the Blacks by the Whites in South Africa, religious conflicts between the local Sri Lankans and the immigrant Tamils, and many others. The manifestations have been in terms of riots, terrorism, demonstrations, wreckage, killing and burning of property. Ethnic conflicts are said to arise between groups that are based on unequal relationship, namely the ‘majority group’ and the ‘minority group’. The attempts of the dominant group is to maintain their social status and authority whereas the minority group tries to alter this position. Sometimes, these attempts may take the shape of peaceful protests and endeavour to bring about change through constitutional and democratic means. But mostly, it takes the shape of deviant behaviour ranging from violent protects, riots and disturbances to crimes
against person and property, organised terrorism and overthrow of the existing power.
DIMENSIONS OF ETHNIC RELATIONS IN INDIA
India is a country of immense diversity. Race, language, religion and caste constitute the major forms of diversity in India. Groups of people in India differ from each other not only in physical or demographic characteristics but also in distinctive patterns of behaviour. These patterns of behaviour are determined by social and cultural factors like language, region religion and caste. According to Punekar (1974) the four major premises where ethnicity in India operates are language, region, religion and caste. It may be argued that castes are divided into sub castes, language into dialects, region into sub regions, religion into sects on ethnic lines. However, ethnic diversity is less obvious at these sub levels when compared to the larger levels of caste, language, religious and region.
Language and Region
During the colonial rule, India was divided into several provinces for administrative purpose. This division paved the way for the language communities, in the post-colonial era, to make demand for a separate state of their own. The formation of Andhra Pradesh in 1953, on the demand of Telugu speakers in Madras Province opened doors for other language groups to make similar demands. Further, these demands were endorsed by some of the nationalist leaders. Thus today, each language group has State of its own, such as, Gujarat for the Gujaratis, Bihar for the Biharis and so on. At the state level, regional language is often used as the medium of instruction in schools, and colleges. This affinity and allegiance felt towards one’s own language and region is often reflected outside the State of origin, that is when migrants to a new setting start their own voluntary associations to cater to their cultural needs. Thus language, in India, has been an important premise on which people have established their identities and have drawn social boundaries for defining their ‘in group’ and the ‘out group’. Thus, it is not uncommon to find a Tamil Association in northern belt like UP or Delhi or a Malayalee association in Middle East or a Bengal association in U.S.
Religion
Another form of ethnic identification is religion. In India Hindu, Islam, Christianity, Sikhism and Zoroastrianism are some of the religions practised by its people. In terms of numerical strength, Hindus form the majority community in India. A number of Hindu Gods and Goddesses are worshipped by different linguistic groups spread across India. It is the numerical strength of the Hindus that has been one of the factors which have led certain Hindu loyalists like the RSS (Rashtriya Swayam Sevak Sangh) to assert that India is a Hindu State. In terms of economic dominance, there are disparities within a religious group and between religious communities, there are disparities within a religious group and between religious communities. For instance, the Zoroastrian community is numerically very small in India. But their economic resources and status is much better than many other communities.
There is historical evidence to prove that the various religious communities in India have coexisted peacefully through time. Of course, there is also evidence that reflects the conflict between religious communities. The most well known clashes have been between Hindus and Muslims. One of the major social problems of India in the 80s has been the communal divide problem. When one group asserts its interests and identity at the cost of another group, the communal divide emerges.
Caste: Caste is another very important premise for ethnicity in India. Caste operates in different ways in the context of ethnic relations. Generally speaking people belonging to the same caste of different linguistic states belong to one ethnic group. However, they rarely intermarry or involve themselves in any other close interactions. This has made some scholars to assert that there is no conscious solidarity of caste across the language boundaries. Some others argue caste at the same time causing fission within a particular ethnic group. For example, the Kashmiris are divided into several caste groups, which causes fission within the group, yet at the same time, a Kashmiri Brahman finds his counterparts in other linguistic groups such as the Tamil and the Bengalis, this brings fusion to the group in a broad sense. Further, in an otherwise unranked system of ethnic dichotomy, this pan Indian system of stratification is the only factor that ranks ethnic groups hierarchically. Under the varna system, the total Hindu population can be divided into four categories –the Brahman, the Kshatriya, the Vaishya and the Shudra. The early Vedic literature and religious texts prescribed each of the castes with their rightful occupation, rights and duties. The Brahmins, with their occupation of priesthood and scholarly purists occupied the top of the social ladder; the Kshatriyas, were the warriors, and were second in status, the third were the Vaishyas, the traders and the last were the Shudras, who pursued menial and lowly occupations. The ‘outcaste’ like that Chandalas were not included in the varna scheme. There was restriction of social interaction between the three “twice born” caste and Shudras, and no interaction with the outcastes. Thus members of a caste group formed as in group and others who did not belong to it formed the out-group. Caste identity was important for the individual and social boundaries were drawn for interaction between castes.
The varna system, however, has provided flexibility in terms of social mobility. Over the ages, several lower castes have used a higher caste status as a reference group and have sanskritised their ways and formulated mythologists to legitimise their claims. For instance, a tailor caste in Tamil Nadu, which claimed the status of the Bhavsara Kshatriyas, went to the extent of organising and All India Conference in order to legitimise their claims. This social mobility when accompanied with economic and political power automatically brought about and enhancement in the lower castes. But most of the situations show the close association of ritual purity, economic and political power and education, as echoed in the varna scheme. Thus the “twice born castes” not only had ritual purity but also had greater access to economic and political power and education. The Shudras and the outcastes, on the other hand, not only suffered the sigma of ritual impurity but also lived in abject poverty, illiteracy and had no political power.
Since the British rule, however, the political, economic power equation between different castes has been altered. Both the British government and the Constitution of free India tried to introduce legal provisions to reduce the inequality between castes. The Backward Classes movements which emerged
significantly in the 19th and 20th centuries also contributed to upwards social mobility of the Scheduled Castes, Scheduled Tribes and other Backward Classes. Group of cognates (related) castes, formed a large ethnic block and began to fight for a shift in the traditional distribution of power. They became politically viable.
What is important to remember here is that the caste has become an important basis of division between different groups of castes. In some case, the cleavage has been between the Brahmin and the non-Brahmin upper castes. For instance, the Satya Shodhak Samaj (Truth Seeks Society) founded in 1873 by Jotiba Phule was anti-Brahmin in its orientation. Phule fostered a sense of identity among many middle level non-Brahmin castes like the Kunbis, Malis and Dhangars in Maharashtra, Brahmins were identified as exploiters and the non-Brahmins as the exploited In some other cases the cleavage has been between upper non-Brahmin castes and lower non-Brahmin castes as in many parts of north India. Lower nonBrahmin castes have formed their own caste associations in order to gain access to modern economic, educational and political benefits. Still another kind of cleavage has been between certain untouchable castes and the clean Hindu castes. Izhavas (toddy tappers of Kerala) organised themselves in the late 19th century to fight the exploitation of clean Hindu castes like the Nayars and Nambudiris of Kerala. The Scheduled Tribes have also formed their own respective ethnic block in different parts of India in order to fight the exploitation by non-tribals
ROLE OF THE BRITISH ADMINSTRATION AND THE CONSTITUIONS OF INDIA IN RELATION TO ETHNIC GROUPS
So far, we have observed that language, religion and caste have been the premises on which ethnicity operates in India. It would be interesting at this point, to find out what has been the attitude or position at the governmental level towards ethnic groups. In this section, we will briefly state the role of the British
administration and the Constitution of Independent India towards ethnic groups.
British Administration
It was during the British rule that ethnic groups like certain backward castes and classes began to organise themselves into strong associations. The British administration, on its part, provided its own source of legitimacy to the awakening among the non-Brahmin and depressed castes. Several new avenues were thrown open for claiming higher status. English education became the basis of new employment opportunities which were free of caste consideration. Education was made available to everyone, though in actuality only the Brahmin and upper non-Brahmin Castes made use of it.
The British introduced a series of administrative reforms such as the MintoMorley Reforms of 1909, Montague Chelmsford Reforms of 1919 and the Govt. of India Act of 1935 which gave the backward classes and minority groups increased political power, economic benefits and educational opportunities. In 1850 the Caste Disabilities Removal Act was passed to provide liberty to all for conversions at will from one religion or caste did not lose their rights of inheritance, including property. Freedom to practise one’s own religion, language and culture was bestowed on all.
The Constitution of India
After the advent of independence in 1947, Dr. B.R. Ambedkar was appointed Chairman of the Drafting Committee and Minister of Law in the Government. For deliberations of important subjects’ different committees were set up. The Minorities Committee was set up under the Chairmanship of Sardar Vallabh Bhai Patel. Reservations in Legislature and Services was discussed by this committee. After heated debates it was agreed that the Constitution that was being drawn for India must contain adequate safeguards for those people who have been hitherto discriminated and exploited. The constitution of India conceived of equality in terms of equality of opportunity and equal protection under the laws.
Certain groups were specifically singled out for special treatment namely: (a) the Scheduled Castes, (b) The Scheduled Tribes, and (c) The socially and educationally Backward Classes. The Constitution sanctioned reservation of seats in the educational institutions, in public employment and in State legislatures including the national Parliament in favour of members of the Scheduled Castes and Tribes. It is also sanctioned reservations in educational institutions and public employment in favour of socially and educationally backward classes of citizens. The Constitutional provisions are arranged in five sections. The various provisions relate to several aspects like right to equality, prohibitions of discrimination on grounds of religion, race, caste, sex or place of birth and right to profess and practise religion. the Constitution through its article 17 abolishes the inhuman practise of untouchability and forbids the practice of it in any form, making it an offence punishable by law.
The Constitution has also made provisions for the minorities. Though the Constitution has not specifically defined a minority, it has established the liberty of the minorities by making freedom from disabilities a fundamental right. According to the Constitution any group which constitutes numerically less than 50%of the population can be called a minority. But this leaves the term ambiguous, as it does not explain whether this “less than 50% of the population” is as compared to that of a region or State of India. The minority Acts however, cover all regions excepting Hinduism, Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes.
The following are some of the Acts passed in favour of the minorities.
Article 15, of the Constitution, explains the specific discriminatory situation on religion, caste, race, sex and so on. It prohibits the subjection of any citizen to any disability, liability, restriction or conditions on groups only of the above mentioned factors. Article 29(1) endows the right to any citizen who possesses, a district language, script or culture to conversion the same. Article 30(1), bestows the right on the linguistic and religious minorities to establish and administer educational institutions. The intension of the Constitutional guarantee on minority rights, is mainly to promote the distinctiveness of religious and linguistic minorities in the country. Their distinctiveness was not seen as division by the founding fathers of Indian Constitution. They felt that minorities were in a weaker position and that they needed protection if they were to participate in national development. The legislation on Scheduled Castes, Tribes and other Backward Classes was meant to promote the advancement of socially and economically disadvantage groups. Both minority reservation policy the Backward Classes are becoming increasingly sensitive issues in Indian society. In several ways and at different times both have been the focus of divisive debate and destructive violence. In our next section, we will describe certain forms of conflicts that have emerged on ethnic grounds.