Introduction:
There are not many detailed studies available on the volume and the extent of tribal migration. There has been a steady stream of Migration of the ChotaNagpur region tribals, specially to industrial areas in the east of the country and to Calcutta and other urban sector over the last 100 years. Since 1970s, tribes from Bihar and Bengal have been going even to Punjab to work as agricultural labourer, after the Green Revolution there. Migration of tribes from Bihar to tea gardens of Assam and Bengal is well established. The British Plantation owners recruited tribes from Chota Nagpur region mainly from amongst the Santhals and Mundas.
Forced migration for economic survival
Tribal people suffer predominantly from the phenomenon of poverty–induced migration on account of rain-fed agriculture and absence of other avenues of employment. Fragmentation of land, loss of land due to acquisition and illegal and alienation by non-tribals also cause people to migrate. Deforestation and decreasing access to forests and drought are other contributory factors for tribal migration. Due to compulsion involved in migrating in search of livelihood it would be more accurate to describe such migration as ‘forced migration’.
The main factors responsible for migration of tribals are:
- (a) ‘Pull’ factors like attraction of urban life and hope of improvement of quality of life and the availability of better economic opportunities in cities and urban area; and
- (b) Push factors: poverty, unemployment and low yield from their traditional occupation , famine and chronic drought in many areas like those in interior Orissa (Kalahandi and Koraput Districts) may also force the tribals to migrate.
Impact of Migration on Tribal Communities
Deficiencies in NSSO/ Census Data: The main sources of data on migration are the Census of India, Office of the Registrar General and the National Sample Survey. Both these data do not throw full light on seasonal and circular migration and do not capture various forms of child labour. Smaller studies show that child migrants from families of weaker sections such as from tribal communities form a large part of the work force in several sectors such as construction, brick- kilns, small industries, domestic work etc.
An Analysis of Social Groups and Migration
In 2001, for the first time, the census data tabulated figures for social groups such as the SCs and STs in the country. The migration level among SCs and STs indicates that about 25.3 per cent of SCs and 25.4 per cent of STs were reported as migrants within the same State, based on the place of last residence (PLR). Of the total migrant population within the State, more than three fourths were reported to move within the district (intra-district-76.9 per cent for SCs and 83.5 per cent for STs).
An analysis of the NSSO data for the 49th round (9 Jan- June 1993) and 64th round (July 2007- June2008) shows that the proportion of migrant households among ST in rural areas decreased between 1993 and 2007- 08, but the trend was the opposite in urban areas. The NSS 64th round shows that in urban areas, the proportion of ST migrant households was higher than the proportion of migrant households of other social groups.
Causes for tribal migration
Migration-poverty interface
There are three important constraints that perpetuate poverty among migrants in the Indian situation. These are: poor education, discrimination, and a hostile policy environment. In the case of tribal migrants, the literacy rate is low, not much is being done for developing skills and they do not have access to public facilities such as PDS in the place they migrate to. The State’s apathy and lack of capacity to implement protective migration/labour laws compounds the problem.
Moreover, the wage rate is very low. Circular/seasonal migration is the dominant form of migration of poor tribal people. They leave their village after completing agriculture work and migrate as casual, low skilled workers and return after completion of work. Since tribal migrants have little or no education and low skills, which translate into low marketable skills for both rural and urban employment, they form a part of the unorganized sector and have little bargaining power.
The poorest and deprived areas of the tribal belt in Central India such as Chhattisgarh, Telengana region, Jharkhand, southern Madhya Pradesh have become labour pools, from where cheap labour can be drawn on seasonally. Due to poverty and lack of employment opportunities, tribal families send unmarried daughters to cities in search of work. Single women and tribal girls are, however, prone to exploitation not only by employers, but also by anti-social elements.
Migration is an important livelihood activity and research by Mosse et.al, in the tribal districts of southern Madhya Pradesh revealed that 65 per cent of households included migrants, who worked mainly in the construction sector. Migration grew in the area as a few years later, another study in the same area found that, in many villages up to three-quarters of the population were absent between November and June.
Displacement
Development-induced displacement has resulted, not only in loss of land due to acquisition for the project but also in influx of non-tribal outsiders in these areas, who illegally alienate tribal land and take the benefits of the new economic opportunities in commerce, trade and industry. Migration of displaced Scheduled Tribes is indicative of Government’s failure to provide livelihood in the new environment.
Deforestation
Uprooting of tribals from their traditional habitat, receding forest cover combined with low agricultural productivity and rain-fed agriculture, create the need for credit and this leads to seeking employment and livelihoods under bondage, often through migration. For example, tribal migration from Jhabua in Madhya Pradesh and tribal areas of Chhattisgarh is a compulsion.181 Tribals in Jharkhand migrate in streams to the brick kilns of Uttar Pradesh or rice mills of neighbouring states to the agriculturally prosperous areas of Bihar, Bengal, Uttar Pradesh or Punjab mainly for sowing / transplanting/ harvesting of paddy and wheat and to the metropolitan towns and cities as domestic workers and maid servants.
Drought
In contrast to seasonal migration, distress-induced migration is primarily the result of factors which include drought, land alienation, debts and high levels of food insecurity. This form of migration, which had increased in Kalahandi in the 1990s, is a final resort when other coping strategies fail. Such migration usually starts as early as September-October, when there is little possibility of harvesting a crop. Recruiting agents take the opportunity to recruit even cheaper labour than they can normally expect. Due to three successive droughts in 1996- 2000, distress-induced migration had become ‘seasonal’ in character and an integral part of the regular coping strategies. A significant number of tribals, mainly from drought prone areas of Andhra Pradesh, Karnataka and Maharashtra, migrate to work in construction, tile factory, brick-kiln and crop-cutting in Maharashtra.
Costs and risks of migration
Migration has both positive and negative consequences for migrants. While it saves them from starvation at home, it exposes them to appalling living and working conditions at construction and other work sites. Additionally, migrants also do not have access to pro-poor schemes such as subsidized food, health care and schooling and must pay for everything.
On the positive side, migration has given tribal people an exposure to the outside world including new skills. Their remittances have helped the family in consumption, repayment of loans, fulfilling social obligations and to finance working capital requirements in agriculture as well as investment in better housing and purchase of consumer durables.
On the negative side, they suffer from family and social disorganization, harsh and unhygienic living conditions at work sites and physical and sexual violence in the case of female domestic workers. Empirical evidence collected by case studies in tribal areas of Central India indicate that women domestic
workers on their return to the village are viewed with distrust, as they show signs of having been influenced by an alien culture. Such women workers are exploited and harassed, when they migrate and are regarded with suspicion when they return.
Comparison made between tribal families who migrate and those who do not, reveals that the non- migrating families own more land comparatively and are in a better position to access and benefit from various development schemes available for them and so are able to improve their standard of living and educate their children. On the other hand, migrating tribal families have less land, lower level of literacy and on migrating, suffer from exploitation and harassment and low wages. They are able to stave off starvation, but do not earn enough to improve living standards. Moreover, their children do not get education and so the future of the next generation is equally bleak. Added to this, is the tendency of the unskilled youth to prefer employment in non-agriculture sectors, as farming does not give adequate returns. This is a challenge for both rural and urban planners. Keeping in view that tribal livelihoods are conditioned by the eco-system and they are dependent on agriculture, large scale migration due to poor economic conditions is a serious cause of concern.
The Inter-state Migrant Workmen (Regulation of Employment and Conditions of Service) Act, 1979:
SCOPE OF IMPROVEMENT
- The legislation need to be simplified, which appeared to be onerous for its actual implementation, cost effective for the employer and contractors as well as incentive must be given to the employer so that they themselves come forward and adhere to the provision of this Act.
- These migrant workers should also be provided with the benefits of Public Distributive System Card as other local workers to avoid buying food grain and kerosene at higher price.
- Every state government should mandatorily operate an internet portal indicating the registered principal employers, contractors, establishments and interstate workmen details including Aadhaar card data for general public information and verification. The details of interstate workmen shall be uploaded by the principal employers and contractors promptly. Non-compliance by the principal employers or contractors is treated as violation of the Act and liable for punishment.
- The state government authorities shall conduct mandatory yearly audit of all employers / contractors in a state regarding deployment of interstate workers and submit yearly compliance status or implementation report to the state assembly for their scrutiny.
- Further, social protection architecture should be developed that allows for portability of services like PDS, health insurance, education in order to ensure easy and equal access to migrants.
- There should be equal access to opportunities for resident home and out of state residents. In policy areas, where migrants face discrimination on account of their unique circumstances, special policy initiatives should be framed in order to have equality with state residents.
- Migrant workers have to be integrated into the larger state level policies. India’s social and political rights should wean away from the assumption that people are sedentary and migration as a phenomenon be accepted so that evolving policy framework will fully include migrant labour issues during their formulation.